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But, there is a secondary division in Quechua II between the grammatically simplified northern varieties of Ecuador, Quechua II-B, known there as Kichwa , and the generally more conservative varieties of the southern highlands, Quechua II-C, which include the old Inca capital of Cusco. The closeness is at least in part because of the influence of Cusco Quechua on the Ecuadorean varieties in the Inca Empire. Because Northern nobles were required to educate their children in Cusco, this was maintained as the prestige dialect in the north.

Speakers from different points within any of the three regions can generally understand one another reasonably well. There are nonetheless significant local-level differences across each. Wanka Quechua , in particular, has several very distinctive characteristics that make the variety more difficult to understand, even for other Central Quechua speakers.

Quechua speaking

Speakers from different major regions, particularly Central or Southern Quechua, are not able to communicate effectively. The lack of mutual intelligibility among the dialects is the basic criterion that defines Quechua not as a single language, but as a language family. The complex and progressive nature of how speech varies across the dialect continua makes it nearly impossible to differentiate discrete varieties; Ethnologue lists 45 varieties which are then divided into 2 groups; Central and Peripheral. Due to the non-intelligibility among the 2 groups, they are all classified as separate languages..

As a reference point, the overall degree of diversity across the family is a little less than that of the Romance or Germanic families, and more of the order of Slavic or Arabic. The greatest diversity is within Central Quechua, or Quechua I, which is believed to lie close to the homeland of the ancestral Proto-Quechua language.

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Alfredo Torero devised the traditional classification, the three divisions above, plus a fourth, a northern or Peruvian branch. Kichwa "Ecuadorian" or Highlands and Oriente. Landerman does not believe a truly genetic classification is possible and divides Quechua II so that the family has four geographical—typological branches: Northern, North Peruvian, Central, and Southern. It is the most diverse branch of Quechua, [22] to the extent that its divisions are commonly considered different languages. Quechua shares a large amount of vocabulary, and some striking structural parallels, with Aymara , and the two families have sometimes been grouped together as a " Quechumaran family ".

That hypothesis is generally rejected by specialists, however. The parallels are better explained by mutual influence and borrowing through intensive and long-term contact. Many Quechua—Aymara cognates are close, often closer than intra-Quechua cognates, and there is little relationship in the affixal system. The influence on Latin American Spanish includes such borrowings as papa for "potato", chuchaqui for "hangover" in Ecuador , and diverse borrowings for " altitude sickness ", in Bolivia from Quechuan suruqch'i to Bolivian sorojchi , in Ecuador and Peru soroche.

A rare instance of a Quechua word being taken into general Spanish use is given by carpa for "tent" Quechua karpa. In Bolivia, particularly, Quechua words are used extensively even by non-Quechua speakers. These include wawa baby, infant , ch'aki hangover , misi cat , juk'ucho mouse , q'omer uchu green pepper , jacu "lets go" , chhiri and chhurco curly haired , among many others.

Quechua grammar also enters Bolivian Spanish, such as the use of the suffix -ri. In Bolivian Quechua, -ri is added to verbs to signify an action is performed with affection or, in the imperative, as a rough equivalent to please. In Bolivia -ri is often included in the Spanish imperative to imply "please" or to soften commands.

Quechua has borrowed a large number of Spanish words, such as piru from pero , but , bwenu from bueno , good , iskwila from "escuela," school , waka from "vaca," cow and burru from burro , donkey. At first, Spaniards referred to the language of the Inca empire as the lengua general , the general language. There are two possible etymologies of Quechua as the name of the language.

Quechua Language Introduction – VANENOS

The description below applies to Cusco Quechua ; there are significant differences in other varieties of Quechua. Quechua only has three vowel phonemes: Voicing is not phonemic in the Quechua native vocabulary of the modern Cusco variety. Cusco Quechua , North- and South-Bolivian Quechua are the only varieties of Quechua to have glottalized consonants, and they, along with certain kinds of Ecuadorian Kichwa , are the only varieties with aspirated consonants. Stress is penultimate in most dialects of Quechua.

Quechuan languages

In some varieties, factors such as apocope of word-final vowels may cause exceptional final stress. Quechua has been written using the Roman alphabet since the Spanish conquest of the Inca Empire. However, written Quechua is rarely used by Quechua speakers because of the lack of printed material in Quechua. This orthography is the most familiar to Spanish speakers and so has been used for most borrowings into English, which essentially always happen through Spanish.

This is the system preferred by the Academia Mayor de la Lengua Quechua , which results innthe following spellings of the examples listed above: This orthography has the following features:. In , a variation of this system was adopted by the Peruvian government that uses the Quechuan three-vowel system, resulting in the following spellings: The different orthographies are still highly controversial in Peru. Advocates of the traditional system believe that the new orthographies look too foreign and believe that it makes Quechua harder to learn for people who have first been exposed to written Spanish.

Those who prefer the new system maintain that it better matches the phonology of Quechua, and they point to studies showing that teaching the five-vowel system to children later causes reading difficulties in Spanish. For more on this, see Quechuan and Aymaran spelling shift. Writers differ in the treatment of Spanish loanwords.

These are sometimes adapted to the modern orthography and sometimes left as in Spanish. For instance, "I am Roberto" could be written Robertom kani or Ruwirtum kani. The -m is not part of the name; it is an evidential suffix, showing how the information is known: The Spanish-based orthography is now in conflict with Peruvian law. Quechua is an agglutinating language. Words are built up from basic roots followed by several suffixes which each carry one meaning.

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All varieties of Quechua are very regular agglutinative languages , as opposed to isolating or fusional ones [Thompson]. Their normal sentence order is SOV subject—object—verb. Their large number of suffixes changes both the overall significance of words and their subtle shades of meaning. Notable grammatical features include bipersonal conjugation verbs agree with both subject and object , evidentiality indication of the source and veracity of knowledge , a set of topic particles , and suffixes indicating who benefits from an action and the speaker's attitude toward it, but some languages and varieties may lack some of the characteristics.

In Quechua, there are seven pronouns. Quechua has two first-person plural pronouns "we" in English. One is called the inclusive , which is used if the speaker wishes to include the addressee "we and you". The other form is called the exclusive, which is used when the addressee is excluded "we without you". Quechua also adds the suffix -kuna to the second and third person singular pronouns qam and pay to create the plural forms, qam-kuna and pay-kuna. Adjectives in Quechua are always placed before nouns.

They lack gender and number and are not declined to agree with substantives. Noun roots accept suffixes that indicate person defining of possession, not identity , number , and case.

In general, the personal suffix precedes that of number. In the Santiago del Estero variety, however, the order is reversed. Adverbs can be formed by adding -ta or, in some cases, -lla to an adjective: They are also formed by adding suffixes to demonstratives: There are several original adverbs. For the speakers of Quechua, we are moving backwards into the future we cannot see it: These are the endings for the indicative:.

The suffixes shown in the table above usually indicate the subject ; the person of the object is also indicated by a suffix -a- for first person and -su- for second person , which precedes the suffixes in the table. In such cases, the plural suffixes from the table -chik and -ku can be used to express the number of the object rather than the subject. Various suffixes are added to the stem to change the meaning. For example, -chi is a causative and -ku is a reflexive example: Also used are yaw "hey", "hi" , and certain loan words from Spanish, such as piru from Spanish pero "but" and sinuqa from sino "rather".

The Quechuan languages have three different morphemes that mark evidentiality. Evidentiality refers to a morpheme whose primary purpose is to indicate the source of information. The markers can apply to the first, second, and third persons. The parentheses around the vowels indicate that the vowel can be dropped in when following an open vowel. For the sake of cohesiveness, the above forms are used to discuss the evidential morphemes. However, it should be noted that there are dialectal variations to the forms. The variations will be presented in the following descriptions.

The following sentences provide examples of the three evidentials and further discuss the meaning behind each of them. In Cusco Quechua , the direct evidential presents itself as —mi and —n. The evidential —mi indicates that the speaker has a "strong personal conviction the veracity of the circumstance expressed. In Quechuan languages, not specified by the source, the inference morpheme appears as —ch i , -ch a , -chr a. The —chr a evidential indicates that the utterance is an inference or form of conjecture.

It also appears in cases such as acquiescence, irony, interrogative constructions, and first person inferences. These uses constitute nonprototypical use and will be discussed later in the changes in meaning and other uses section. With the use of this morpheme, the speaker "serves as a conduit through which information from another source passes.

It also works to express the uncertainty of the speaker regarding the situation. However, it also appears in other constructions that are discussed in the changes in meaning section. Hintz discusses an interesting case of evidential behavior found in the Sihaus dialect of Ancash Quechua. The author postulates that instead of three single evidential markers, that Quechuan language contains three pairs of evidential markers. It may have been noted the evidential morphemes have been referred to as markers or morphemes.

The literature seems to differ on whether or not the evidential morphemes are acting as affixes or clitics, in some cases, such as Wanka Quechua, enclitics. Lefebvre and Muysken discuss this issue in terms of case but remark the line between affix and clitic is not clear. Evidentials in the Quechuan languages are "second position enclitics", which usually attach to the first constituent in the sentence, as shown in this example. Sometimes, the affix is described as attaching to the focus, particularly in the Tarma dialect of Yaru Quechua , [44] but this does not hold true for all varieties of Quechua.

In Huanuco Quechua, the evidentials may follow any number of topics, marked by the topic marker —qa , and the element with the evidential must precede the main verb or be the main verb.


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However, there are exceptions to that rule, and the more topics there are in a sentence, the more likely the sentence is to deviate from the usual pattern. Evidentials can be used to relay different meanings depending on the context and perform other functions. The following examples are restricted to Wanka Quechua. However, if one focuses less on the structure and more on the situation, some sense can be made. The speaker is asking the addressee for information so the speaker assumes the speaker knows the answer.

That assumption is where the direct evidential comes into play. The speaker holds a certain amount of certainty that the addressee will know the answer. The speaker interprets the addressee as being in "direct relation" to the proposed content; the situation is the same as when, in regular sentences, the speaker assumes direct relation to the proposed information. The question marker in Wanka Quechua, -chun , is derived from the negative —chu marker and the direct evidential realized as —n in some dialects.

While —chr a is usually used in an inferential context, it has some non-prototypical uses. This example comes from a conversation between husband and wife, discussing the reactions of their family and friends after they have been gone for a while. The husband says he plans to stretch the truth and tell them about distant places to which he has gone, and his wife in the example above echoes and encourages his thoughts.

There is a sense of resistance, diminished enthusiasm, and disinclination in these constructions. This example comes from a discourse where a woman demands compensation from the man the speaker in the example whose pigs ruined her potatoes. He denies the pigs as being his but finally realizes he may be responsible and produces the above example. Interrogative Somewhat similar to the —mi evidential, the inferential evidential can be found in content questions. However, the salient difference between the uses of the evidentials in questions is that in the —m i marked questions, an answer is expected.

That is not the case with —chr a marked questions. Irony Irony in language can be a somewhat complicated topic in how it functions differently in languages, and by its semantic nature, it is already somewhat vague. For these purposes, it is suffice to say that when irony takes place in Wanka Quechua, the —chr a marker is used. This example comes from discourse between a father and daughter about her refusal to attend school. It can be interpreted as a genuine statement perhaps one can learn by resisting school or as an ironic statement that is an absurd idea.

Because folktales, myths, and legends are, in essence, reported speech, it follows that the hearsay marker would be used with them. Many of these types of stories are passed down through generations, furthering this aspect of reported speech. A difference between simple hearsay and folktales can be seen in the frequency of the —sh i marker. In normal conversation using reported speech, the marker is used less, to avoid redundancy. Instituto de Estudios Peruanos. Changes in the status and function of Quechua.

International Journal of the Sociology of Language , , 77 — El Quechua en debate: The decline of the native speaker. Quichua y castellano en los Andes ecuatorianos: Los efectos de un contacto prolongado. Castilian colonization and indigenous languages: The cases of Quechua and Aymara. Studies in diffusion and social change pp. Bilingual education and language maintenance: A southern Peruvian Quechua case. Language planning orientations and bilingual education in Peru. Language Problems and Language Planning , 12 1 , 14 — Bilingual education and language planning in indigenous Latin America.

International Journal of the Sociology of Language, 77 , special issue. Five vowels or three? Linguistics and politics in Quechua language planning in Peru. Indigenous literacies in the Americas: Language planning from the bottom up. Bilingual education policy and practice in the Andes: Ideological paradox and intercultural possibility.

Anthropology and Education Quarterly , 31 2 , — Voice and biliteracy in indigenous language revitalization: Journal of Language, Identity, and Education , 5 4. Quechua language shift, maintenance and revitalization in the Andes: The case for language planning. International Journal of the Sociology of Language , , 9 — Authenticity and unification in Quechua language planning.

Language, Culture, and Curriculum , 11 3 , — Reversing Quechua language shift in South America. Reversing language shift, revisited: A 21st century perspective pp. Policy, possibility and paradox: Indigenous multilingualism and education in Peru and Bolivia. Multilingualism and multilingual education pp. Creating context in Andean cultures. Language corpus and status shifts as aspects of language revitalization.

Language Problems and Language Planning , 23 2 , — Language ideologies and heritage language education. International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism , 3 3 , — Language revitalization processes and prospects: Quichua in the Ecuadorian Andes. Society and nationhood in the Andes. Language-in-Education policy and practice.

Cuarto Intermedio , 36 , 79 — Donde el zapato aprieta: Revista Andina , 14 2 , — Balance y perspectivas 2nd ed. Schooling and cultural production in Bolivia. The future of Quechua and the Quechua of the future: Language ideologies and language planning in Bolivia. International Journal of the Sociology of Language , , — The language of the Inka since the European invasion.

University of Texas Press. The languages of South American Indians. The Amazonian languages pp. The indigenous languages of Latin America.